My yearning for sophrosyne was heartened recently
by two reviews, one a really fine article on Sunday, September 2, by Stephen
Pearlstein in the Washington Post,
the other the final chapter in David Rothkopf’s book, Power, Inc. That the
paradigm shift in economics that I mutter about from time to time is well
underway is evidenced by both. They
reveal through many sources a general perception by conservatives and liberals alike
that American capitalism is severely ill, and requires substantial treatment
for its restoration to health. They further reveal that the search is underway
for some middle way to accomplish that. The
general recognition that other alternatives such as communism (itself an
intellectual extreme of the 19th century), will not resolve the
issues shows a healthy-minded regard for realities that has sometimes been
lacking in the past.
Pearlstein, in his review, focuses on a variety of
diagnoses of the illness favored by different experts from right and left. All seem to agree, for starters, that, in
Pearlstein’s words, “A pure market economy is an ideological fantasy; even the
freest markets operate in a framework of laws, infrastructure, institutions and
informal norms of behavior in which government is heavily implicated.” In other
words, all sides are beginning to reject the intellectual excesses of pure free
market theory. The most extreme conservative, Edward Conard, a funder of Mitt
Romney, argues that the illness is insufficient income inequality, while, at
the other end of the spectrum, Nobel Laureate Joseph Stiglitz argues that the
problem is an inequality gone wild that has led to governance by plutocracy. Rather like the blind men and the elephant,
various experts argue that the problem is too much promotion of business rather
than the market itself (Luigi Zingales), or reliance on the performance of
financial expectations rather than the product market itself (Roger Martin), or
lack of adequate regulatory infrastructure (Jeffrey Sachs.), or lack of
accounting for what Stiglitz calls social capital, Zingales calls civic
capital, and Martin calls the civil foundation.
Rothkopf focuses not on the diseases of capitalism
but on real world variations of capitalism that are being tried in countries
around the world. He makes a persuasive
argument that American laissez-faire capitalism, itself a fossil of the 19th
century without the built-in means to
manage stateless supercitizens like multinational corporations, is unable as it
stands to deal with the stresses of globalism, but that the real question is
which form of capitalism can do better. In
addition to the American lightly regulated laissez-faire form, he posits four major
competing models: Chinese state-managed capitalism, German and Scandinavian
Eurocapitalism, Indian and Brazilian Democratic Development capitalism, and
Singapore’s Entrepreneurial Small-market capitalism. Each country’s model has
features tailored to its culture and stage of economic development; what they
all have in common is a much larger role for government than that found in the
U.S.
Rothkopf’s vision is of a world in
which government and business partner rather than compete. Their missions can be to a large extent
complementary, government to provide the “whole-person” needs of its citizenry,
business to provide the goods and services sought by customers. Each has major goals
and capacities the other simply cannot have. The 21st century task
is to find a new proper balance, and that will require abandonment of the
ideological excess of the past. The
golden middle way is best.
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