It is interesting that the
entire recent hullabaloo in Washington has focused on the politics and
economics of despair versus confidence.
Ted Cruz and the Tea Party say we have two years to get things right
(meaning back to the elm-lined streets of the early 20th century or
to a 19th century fantasy that never actually existed except in
plantation houses) before we go over a cliff – to an unknown future? What’s new about that? The liberals say we need to build new things
like infrastructure and green technology to meet the challenges of that
future. What’s new about that? Henry Clay was saying much the same sort of
thing back in the 1840s. What is
especially interesting is that the people who avow that they seek to preserve
the values of the past, the conservatives, are the ones who despair, while the
liberals, facing forward to the future, are the ones who exude the primary
American value of confidence. The
conservatives are really lamenting a lost culture of the past, but in their
vain denial of cultural change, they risk denying the potential for a brighter
future.
Two side-by-side
opinion pieces in the Washington Post, one by Robert Samuelson and the other by
Larry Summers, reveal the economic roots of those differing visions. Samuelson gloomily looks forward to a future
of slow economic growth marked by increasingly bitter class disputes about how
to split an ever shrinking pie. He
attributes that to shrinking labor force participation, lower high school and
college graduation rates, lessening capital investment and lessening
innovation. He sees little or no
prospects for the rapid growth of the past.
He fails to see that all those factors he cites are byproducts of a loss
in confidence in an expansive future, occasioned both by the recession and by
the unwillingness of the one percent to promote growth. I suspect he also unconsciously believes
growth requires adding space and is haunted by the vision of a lost frontier.
Summers instead focuses
on the need for growth strategies, lamenting the undue concentration on budget
deals which serve only to limit growth. He
points out that, in addition to solving real challenges like failing
infrastructure and climate change, growth strategies reduce or eliminate budget
deficits, improve the educational base of the work force, create jobs and make
the rewards of the economy less unequal.
His is the “go west and grow up with the country” call of the 21st
century. He points out that “If even
half the energy that has been devoted over the past five years to ‘budget deals’
were devoted instead to ‘growth strategies,’ we would enjoy sounder government
finances and a restoration of the power of the American example.”
It’s more than time for
conservatives to give up their despair, and to pick themselves up, shake
themselves off and regain the American confidence in the future they have
lost. As Summers points out, ideas for
resuming growth can come from all sides.
All can profit. That is the
American example to which Summers refers.
The future is there. It may not
involve more space, though the planets are there for our pioneers, but it will
involve more community. The shape that
future takes depends on what we do now, and the confidence with which we proceed. It requires primarily that renewed focus on growth about which Summers writes. Our future will be limited only by our
vision.
No comments:
Post a Comment