The world’s history book
is speckled with experiments that failed, though generally not much is
remembered about them. Etruscan
civilization had many appealing features, but Rome almost managed to wipe its memory
entirely from the history books. From
the lost colony of Roanoke to the state of Franklin, America has its own set of
vague recollections about things that might have been, but just didn't pan out. Now
it appears that the whole 20th century is being reexamined to
determine whether it was a success or failure, and either way, who deserves the
credit and who the blame. In a December
speech to the Russian parliament, Vladimir Putin tried to depict the 20th
century as a temporary triumph of Western barren and neutered “so-called”
tolerance that was nothing but a slide into immorality. He proclaimed Russia’s role as a bulwark
against such tolerance and a model for “the organic life of different people
living together within the framework of a single state.” In such a view, Western “anything goes” tolerance,
liberty and democracy are merely paths to inevitable decline. One could imagine a similar speech being
given in ancient Sparta about the inevitable failure of Athenian democracy.
One way of examining
the 20th century is to see it as an enactment of the democratic ideals
proposed in the 19th by thinkers such as Mill and Arnold, and the
struggle of those ideals against the traditional ideals of governance by elites,
whether they be a nobility, a plutocracy or a Communist party. The fall of the Soviet Union is seen in this
light as the final great victory over elite governance as an ideal. Not so fast.
The current critique by Putin is a renewed attack on democracy itself as
lacking the order, aesthetic values and moral values provided by the imposition
of elite ideals. An unwitting ally of
Putin is George Will, who recently created a small flurry in the Washington
Post letters to the editor by attacking democracy from the other direction, arguing
that democracy is the enemy of liberty.
To Will and his gang of fellow libertarians, unrestricted personal liberty
is the basic promise of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution –
though the Preamble to the Constitution only mentions liberty in its final
clause as providing blessings which must be secured. Instead, the Preamble to the Constitution
refers to the collective ideals of forming a more perfect union, providing for the
common defense, promoting the general welfare and securing those blessings.
That is consistent with
the idea stated later by J.S. Mill that true liberty is a collective value
requiring responsible participation by all.
To Mill, liberty without responsibility is simply another name for
anarchy. He criticized the libertarians
of his time for desiring a purposeless individual liberty with only negative
value. And his idea itself was an echo
of the earlier ideas of Hobbes, a thinker well known to the founding fathers, who
regarded the limitless and irresponsible liberty available outside civilization
as accompanying a life “nasty, brutish and short.”
Hobbes, and Mills to some
extent, were arguing for civilized, collective behavior, not necessarily
against elite governance. They were,
after all, living in a monarchy. It was Matthew
Arnold who pointed out that society consists of groups and social classes with
differing visions and values who must act together to make society work. That requires some shared values and a lot of
compromise. Arnold’s vehicle for making
that happen was the English public school system, which he had a major hand in
founding.
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