An old friend of ours in
Greece, a child during the WWII Nazi occupation, likes to say, “What could we
do? They had the gun. We had nothing.”
It is also his response to a lot of different current situations, like
bank takeovers in the EU, as a kind of resigned recognition that Might, whether
moral and legal or not, commonly justifies itself simply by its superior force
- “Might makes Right.” Victimhood becomes a natural outcome of
weakness, whether physical or financial or military, and an acceptable social
norm. In fact, challenging that norm
becomes a dubious revolt against nature and an act of social rebellion.
George Will has taken a
lot of flak, and rightly so, for his comments on June 6 in the Washington Post
criticizing the victims of collegiate date rape as glorifying victimhood and
“being a survivor”; in effect, he labels them as whiners wallowing in the
privileges of a rapidly shifting and nuanced moral scene on college campuses
these days. He seems to equate the
problem with the misbehavior of children, best policed by the stern parenting
of the college itself - by the way, has anyone seen “in loco parentis” around
lately? I haven’t in years - and such campus shenanigans as beyond the interest
of the law. An excellent analysis of
Will’s core argument was done by Alyssa Rosenberg on June 11 in the Post, and
many other opinion pieces on the subject are busily unraveling the many other
weaknesses in Will’s argument. But the
fact is that Will’s argument is perfectly consistent with his general
libertarian principles. He’s applying
the same kind of logic to date rape as he would apply to the activities of
Goldman Sachs, and in the process laying bare a fundamental social issue.
I’ve commented before
that American Libertarianism is based mainly on a misty-eyed memory of a past
that never existed, where solitary heroic figures struggled with gun and plow
against nature, hostile Indians and outlaws.
Hobbes was referencing the early American frontier when he described
life outside civilization as “short, mean and nasty” and that’s how the
frontier was perceived from England. In
real life pioneers travelled, lived and struggled together in groups. The town names of places like Syracuse New
York, Rome Georgia and Athens Texas show that thoughts of civilization were
never very far away. My great-great-great
grandfather, who migrated from Virginia to Georgia to Alabama, with mostly the
same neighbors in each place, lived to 77 – a good age even by today’s
standards. I have a diary of the trip my
family made along with a dozen others by wagon train from Alabama to Texas in
1868. Pioneering was a community
venture. Our volunteer fire departments
are a truer heritage from our pioneering forebears than Marlborough Man. Libertarians who think they did it all
themselves and owe nothing to others discredit both their neighbors and their
ancestors.
Deeper down,
libertarianism as practiced by some is Cain’s rejoinder to God, “Am I my
brother’s keeper?” It is a trained lack
of empathy with the needs of others, self- justified by the excuse that you
shouldn’t interfere with the lives of others and they shouldn’t interfere with
yours. Their problems are their own
business and you shouldn’t intrude. Sometimes,
it is mere moral laziness. But, like Cain’s response, it is often a cover-up
for having done harm to others that you are ashamed to admit. You have used force of some kind, whether
financial, legal or physical, in a way that you know is morally
irresponsible. And to excuse yourself and be consistent you
have to excuse others for doing the same thing, and excuse the enabling things
like laws stacked against the poor that allow it to happen. Letting that predation go unanswered simply
spreads the problem throughout the entire community.
That is what makes it a
social issue. We today have the same kinds
of dangers as did our pioneering ancestors.
For raw nature, substitute climate change. For building a town, substitute infrastructure
development. For battling French and Indians,
substitute a wild and bewildering array of foreign policy challenges. And for
outlaws, substitute individuals and institutions from big corporations to
collegiate rapers that prey on the weakness of others, sometimes by getting the
laws changed to enable doing it more easily. And community responses are
required for community dangers. Things like “big government” are our community
vehicle for exercising countervailing force against the dangers we all
share. The more complex the tasks to be
done, the more complex the organizations to get it done need to be. Ignoring the dangers doesn’t make them go
away.
We live today in a social environment of
religious differences, income inequality global economics and diverse life
styles that drive us apart in ways never experienced by our ancestors. Our greatest danger is the splintering of our
own society. A new Pew poll reveals that
the majority of those polled would not want a family member of a different
political party, and that liberals and conservatives don’t even like the same
kind of housing. Activists in each party
regard a victory by the other as a national disaster to be avoided at all
costs. We’ve got to get past those
dislikes or disregards of others or we will become victims of our own
misdoings.
We need the same kind
of community spirit that our ancestors had to get the many things done that
desperately need doing. And we need more
effective, not less, government as a tool to do the job. Cain’s rejoinder won’t get the job done. And solitary battles against our own neighbors
won’t either.
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