We are sacrificing our children for an absurd
interpretation of an 18th century document. I dislike joining the blame game, but five
old men on the Supreme Court bear as much responsibility for Connecticut as
anyone. The Second Amendment was written
at a time, and in both a societal and military framework, vastly different from
ours, and our understanding of both ourselves and our societal needs has
expanded enormously, points the court majority steadfastly continues to ignore. At that time, the largest places in America
had populations of about 25,000, most people lived in a village or rural
setting, and dangers were all around in the form of wild animals and Indian
attacks. The military threat was
invasion, on foot and with muskets, by British or French infantry. Implicit in the Second Amendment rationale is
a vision of community we no longer possess.
Madison, the author, recognized the dangers inherent in unrestrained
freedom; he even included in its language reference to the needs of “an orderly
militia.” He expressed, in his other writings,
the knowledge that left unrestrained, the freedoms expressed in the
Constitution could easily lead to corruption and excess. But he believed that the peer pressure of the
small communities in which Americans lived would provide the necessary
corrective to such excess. Even as late
as the early 20th century, that was still a valid belief. Anyone who has read To Kill A Mockingbird, and sees in it, as I do, a community
very like the one in which I grew up, has seen the enormous role for good or
ill played by peer pressure in the America That Was. But we now live in socially fragmented times where
high migration, large population centers in which we are all strangers to each
other, and moral ambiguity is the norm. The
societal discipline of peer pressure is no more.
The rationale given in the Second Amendment was a
military one. Militias armed with rifles
provided by the militiamen themselves were important to protect against the
still serious threat of a land invasion from England. They would look rather silly these days
guarding against atom bombs and missile attacks. One strong virtue the military provides,
though, is rules of engagement. We have
learned as our understanding of human psychology expands that the social judgment
of young people is not fully formed until their mid-twenties. And for some, it seems never to form. Mechanisms for emotional discipline are
important. In hostile situations where
emotions run high and weapons are at hand, tightly enforced rules of engagement
are a necessary discipline, one obviously lacking in civilian settings where
emotions can run equally high. Easy
availability of firearms without either the emotional discipline of peer pressure
or of rules of engagement is a recipe for catastrophe, which we are
experiencing more and more.
So, what can be done?
A preferred option would be repeal of the Second Amendment. Its proper time is long past, and democracies
around the world do very well without such a safeguard. That is probably a political impossibility,
in which case, the outlawing of civilian purchase, ownership or use of assault
weapons should be the minimum acceptable reform. Simply outlawing ownership, though important,
will not by itself be enough. That
outlawing of assault weapons should include criminal liability for gun
manufacturers who sell assault weapons to other than military purchasers. The gun manufacturers are the other culprits,
along with the five old men, for the criminally chaotic state into which our
society is drifting, and it is they who fund the NRA and other lobbying groups
who fight reform. Reform is no longer a
matter of idle discussion. The tears of
our children, and of bereaved parents, demand we find a better way.
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